Is True “System Change” In Sri Lanka Only A Fantasy?

By Asoka N.I. Ekanayaka –

In recent years ever since the “aragalaya” Sri Lankans have cried out for something called “System Change” as if such a radical transformation will be the long awaited awakening, the great revival and panacea to all the ills that currently afflict this dismal failed State. System change (whatever it is supposed to mean) is longed for as if that is the final solution to all our problems which will in some wonderful way transform a country that to many in now a debt ridden hell reeking in corruption, into a heaven on earth. That there should be this universal yearning for the imagined Shangri-La of “System change” is understandable. In one sense it is a cry of anguish enabling a beleaguered population to release their pent up frustrations and momentarily find some comfort in some distant ephemeral hope even as they bitterly echo the opening words of Shakespeare’s King Richard III “Now is the winter of our discontent . . .”  

This article is not about the reasons for such universal discontent. Those require only the barest summary here. Sri Lanka has progressively perished in nearly all spheres of national life leading to widespread  public cynicism and distrust of  all authorities institutions and organisations. Over the years people may have pragmatically come to terms with the traditional selfishness and greed of the exploitative business classes. But sadly in this day and age the corrosion has also permeated the learned professions which have become increasingly mercenary with notions of service and sacrifice receding into the background. It is also evident in  a grossly inflated bureaucracy which reeks of cringing mediocrity political subservience and incompetence. The heavily politicized intelligence and security services are hated as persecutors by the common people rather than loved and trusted as their protectors. And even in academia where university admissions are no longer based on pure merit, and an intractable campus culture of systematic torture and brainwashing of new entrants has been endemic for decades, there has been an explosive proliferation of professors who (unlike their illustrious impoverished counterparts in generations past) receive extravagant remuneration although many seem to lack intellectual stature and are poor role models to their students,  . 

As for the three branches of government which form the bedrock of the Constitution the less said the better.  In the Legislative branch politicians are by and large regarded with undisguised contempt by the public, and parliament as little more than an exclusive protectorate where a corrupt power hungry manipulative human species who pretend to be the people’s representatives regularly exercise their vocal chords. Nor does the Judiciary inspire much confidence in a country where the rule of law has broken down, a judge threatened to the point where he was forced to resign and flee the country, and where police officers can be promoted to the highest rank in callous contempt of supreme court judgments finding them guilty of criminal offences. Finally the pantomime of governance is most vividly seen in the executive branch where a deeply unpopular unelected individual who notwithstanding being routed in the previous election and with no moral authority whatsoever to hold the highest office, now struts around blissfully oblivious to the absurdity of his position, having been hoisted to it by despicable erstwhile political opponents in parliament with whom he has formed a precarious alliance for purposes of mutual survival.

It is against this dismal background that Sri Lankans call for “system change”. Such demands are no doubt well intended. But the question is do those who call for “system change” understand what the term really means? More importantly even if they did how many are ready to buckle down and accept the profound implications of such a revolution for their own lives and families? Are people ready to abandon many of the lifelong irrational beliefs, blind prejudices, bad attitudes, selfish ambitions and narrow loyalties that real system change might compel for themselves and their families? From the perspective of a cynical idealist now in the 8^th decade of life who has seen it all the answer is surely ‘No’. Consequently this article is intended to submit that the way we are as a nation, despite starry eyed hopes there will be no true system change in Sri Lanka for the foreseeable future! 

Systems change has been pedantically defined as “shifting component parts of a system — and the pattern of interactions between these parts — to ultimately form a new system that behaves in a qualitatively different way”. According to another verbose jaw breaking definition it is “Confronting root causes of issues (rather than symptoms) by transforming structures, customs, mindsets, power dynamics and policies, by strengthening collective power through the active collaboration of diverse people and organisations . . . rooted in shared goals to achieve lasting improvement to solve social problems at a local, national and global level”!!

One would imagine that for most ordinary people who look forward to system change as they envisage it such obfuscating academic definitions might sound like a meaningless load of gobbledygook! More instructive is an analysis by Basil Fernando last year for the Asian Human Rights Commission where he outlined the way in which system change has meant different aspirations for different groups from the 1940’s to the present. 

These have included early starry eyed Marxist (‘Sama Samagist’) visions of an egalitarian socialist state, followed by the chauvinistic aspirations of Sinhala Buddhist linguistic nationalism that permeated the 1950s. On the heels of such aspirations for system change came the constitutional reforms of the early 1970s representing the impetus for systemic political change by establishing a Republican system of government sweeping away the stable British model of parliamentary democracy enshrined in the Soulbury constitution. This in turn led to the radical innovations of the 1978 constitution where system change was seen in terms of a major right wing shift to a free market capitalist economy. driven by a powerful executive presidency while strengthening the power of the ‘political party’ thus reducing individual politicians to mere pawns in the party apparatus.  

Finally in a popular reaction to the monumental corruption nepotism high crimes and misdemeanors, contempt for the rule of law and the widespread politicization which characterised atrocious governance during and after the ethnic war, in 2015 the longing for system change manifested in a yearning for good governance ie.“Yahapalanaya”. And when this too turned out to be a mirage the monumental stupidity and ignorance of the Sri Lanka polity was revealed when millions naively sought system change in handing back absolute power to a notorious family oligarchy and a party of their diabolical cringing minions under whom the country finally hit rock bottom its economy in tatters. It is from the darkest depths of this rock bottom that the cry for ‘system change’ yet again reverberates in our own day and age.

In this situation we can see that current expectations from system change are dominated by the demand loud and clear to (a) Wipe out corruption and waste, (b) Eliminate the curse of politicization (c) Create a true meritocracy and (d) Ensure the rule of law. justice, equity and accountability throughout the land. These are fine words indeed and no doubt laudable goals which all political parties, professionals, and ordinary people will wholeheartedly support in calling for system change as elections approach. 

So far so good. But the problem is whether Sri Lankans might have second thoughts about system change when confronted with the specific outcomes and radical practical implications that system change based on such lofty principles and noble objectives will necessarily entail! Therefore if this time system change is to be real and not another vague slogan that will momentarily raise hopes only to dash them, it will need to be reflected in down to earth tangible actions and measurable outcomes involving clearly visible dramatic indications that will be living proof that a true system change has actually taken place. Otherwise extravagant promises of system change with fine words couched in broad generalities will only turn out to be a sham. When the dust has settled, people will wake up to the realisation that nothing has really changed. Extravagant hopes of system change will end up in the dustbin of history with a betrayed nation lamenting the ancient words of  the ‘preacher’ as quoted in the biblical book of Ecclesiastics “What has been is what will be, and what has been done is what will be done, and there is nothing new under the sun” (Ecc.1:9).

Obviously there are hundreds of highly visible tangible changes that will be indicative of true system change. Whether major or minor, simple or sophisticated, trivial or revolutionary, impacting the entire population or specific groups, – they will all in one way or another be tangible indicators of true system change as would be apparent to ordinary people.

Consequently it is interesting to challenge politicians who glibly promise and the public who actively demand system change with a few illustrative examples of such tangible indicators that will signal true system change in Sri Lanka were it to ever take place. Such selected examples may not in and of themselves amount to system change. Rather they should be seen as simple examples of the signs that society is indeed moving in the direction of system change. The reaction of both ordinary people and politicians to some examples of such provocative implications will reveal their sincerity in seeking system change. It will show whether they know what they are going in for and are ready to make the sacrifice.  

1. Firstly true system change will be reflected in a transition to a firmly secular state. That means a complete separation of governance from religion. People will be free to observe their own religions in all sincerity. But there will be no state funding subsidies or concessions whatsoever for religious activities and dignitaries. Religious establishments will need to be sustained solely by the generous giving of their respective adherents. Monks and priests of whatever religion will be discouraged from dabbling in politics. Neither would religious dignitaries be entitled to special privileges nor governing politicians and officials be required to pay ritual homage to them in their official capacity and seek their advice on matters of state. All this will put an end to the mutually corruptive interrelationship between politicians and religious authorities. Instead politicians and bureaucrats will get on with the business of government while clergy will strictly confine themselves to the noble task of making people lead righteous lives and so ensure that they finally attain to eternal life however that blissful state is conceived of by their particular religion. 

That is the stuff of transformative system change in society even if for aesthetic reasons it does not go so far as to tamper with that little problem of Article 9 (Chapter 2) of the Constitution! On the other hand in so far as that Article is a complete contradiction of a truly secular society it will of necessity have to be repealed. 

Such are the outcomes that will signal true system change. But are the people of Sri Lanka and their politicians ready for system change on this scale? That is the question!

2. Secondly, true system change will involve the complete abolition of the executive presidency, the restoration of parliamentary democracy, and reversion to a 100 % ‘first pass the post’ constituency based system of parliamentary elections where individual MPs are narrowly accountable to the voters in their own electorate. All this and other connected reforms will of necessity entail recapitulation to a new constitution very similar to the original Soulbery Constitution under which Sri Lanka prospered in the early years after independence. The connected reforms will include a reduction in the number of MP’s, minimum educational qualifications and evidence of good character to be a candidate, a cabinet size not exceeding 30 ministers and deputy ministers and the abolition of State ministries! Most importantly the abomination of political secretaries to ministries will be replaced by highly qualified permanent secretaries who will be part of an elite independent civil service composed of the most brilliant graduates who pass out from our universities as in times past.

Such are the outcomes that will signal true system change. But are the people of Sri Lanka and their politicians ready for change on this scale? That is the question.  

3. Thirdly, true system change will involve all elected politicians from the Prime Minister downwards being regarded as just another category of public servant. In this new political culture they will be entitled to no more perks privileges and security than any other average public officer whether in service or in retirement. For example a cabinet minister will enjoy no more material benefits than any head of a government department. Consistent with such a policy of equity the special privileges and emoluments enjoyed by past presidents and their families will be withdrawn forthwith. There will be no more security convoys for VIP’s. On the contrary they will have to use their own vehicles or public transport to get to work. Needless to say presidential mansions all over the country will be shut down and their facilities harnessed for other purposes. 

Such are the outcomes that will signal true system change. But are the people of Sri Lanka and their politicians ready for system change on this scale? That is the question!

4. Fourthly true system change will signal more than eloquent rhetoric about eliminating corruption. It will involve the introduction of harsh, even draconian punishments for public servants and politicians guilty of bribery and corruption. In a country where corruption has become so ubiquitous and intractable as to be a way of life desperate situations require desperate remedies. Obviously eliminating corruption will involve manifold interventions. But a good place to start would be making bribery and corruption by politicians and public servants punishable with the death penalty as in China, Thailand and Vietnam. That is not to say that such punishments must necessarily be carried out. Indeed in most instances legislation may allow their substitution with for example long terms of imprisonment and confiscation of property. But the very existence of fierce laws making corruption a capital offence will instil fear and demonstrate the commitment of people and politicians to wiping out corruption in public life as part of system change.

Such are the outcomes that will signal true system change. But are the people of Sri Lanka and their politicians ready for system change on this scale? That is the question !

5. Fifthly, true system change will involve drastic measures to eliminate waste in public life in addition to corruption. One recalls the definition of corruption by that incomparable judge the late great Justice Mark Fernando who asserted that beyond simple bribery and nepotism “corruption extends to extravagance, waste, neglect, and every form of malpractice, dishonesty, and abuse, misuse and unreasonable exercise of power …” The elimination of such waste must surely begin with slashing the whopping annual expenditure of Rs. 539 billion on defense and public security which seemingly gobbles up nearly 50% of all expenditure on state salaries. According to Wikipedia the three services have around 346,700 active personnel and as of 2021 constituted the 14th largest military organization in the world with 1.5% of the Sri Lankan population actively serving in the Armed Forces. It would appear that defense sector expenditure as a % of GDP exceeds that of regional peers. Sustaining such a gargantuan defense establishment is ludicrous given the absence of any terrorist threat from within or any danger of attack by a foreign power from without. As for the nearly 100, 000 strong police force it is probably feared and detested by many people for its cruelty corruption unfairness, and political bias. Accordingly it would seem that the only purpose served by perpetuating a bloated defense and security establishment in an economically bankrupt country is as a vain pompous ceremonial exhibition of national pride and as a bulwark protecting corrupt governments from the legitimate protests of its angry citizens. In this situation slashing expenditure on defense and security by at least half would be a visible and tangible sign of true system change.

Similarly system change signaling the elimination of waste will be reflected in slashing a bloated inefficient public sector of 1.5 million employees (roughly one public servant for 14 people!) down to at least half that number – a reduction that would have been justified even before the dazzling technological advances of the digital informatics revolution had significantly augmented the potential for individual employees to dramatically increase their productivity.

Such are the outcomes that will signal true system change. But are the people of Sri Lanka and their politicians ready for system change on this scale? That is the question !

Above are some of the dramatic outcomes signaling true system change in the country. However one can visualize numerous other outcomes particular to various institutions which though trivial by comparison nevertheless have far reaching implications and are a good indication that system change has seeped down to the learned professions and academia. 

6. In the health sector for example there will be a clear separation of the state and private sectors with the latter encouraged to have their own cadre of full time doctors in the various medical specialties. In turn Government doctors (especially those in outstations) will be rewarded with handsome salaries incentives and other privileges but without the right to private practice or strike action so long as they are employees of the state where they will be required to dedicate their whole life 24/7 to the health facility in which they serve. That will put an end to the current chaotic system where patients are neglected and doctors lead a physically exhausting frenetic lifestyle with the inevitable ethical compromises that are forced on those who have one foot in the state sector and another in private practice.

And in the higher education sector in the 1950s the unitary University of Ceylon was one of the best universities in the world. Not so today. In the Times Higher Education global university rankings for 2024, two Sri Lankan universities are ranked in the 1001 – 1200 bracket and two ranked 1500+. The rest evidently failed to meet the eligibility criteria to receive a rank! Reversing this humiliating decline will involve radical system change affirming the importance of quality over quantity and restoring the preeminent elitism of university education as the pinnacle of higher education. This will entail closing down useless universities that were created to serve political agendas and confining university education to an intellectually brilliant minority above other higher educational institutions like technical colleges that will provide high quality mass vocational training for the talented majority. 

The consequent implications for changes in the way students are selected for admission to state universities are beyond the scope of this analysis. But they will need to include 100% student selection based on pure merit abolishing the district quotas that have for years compromised the quality of student admission to universities, insistence on English language proficiency, and the assessment of attitudes motivation and personality by various means including in depth face to face interviews. In the case of academic staff there will be an end to the proliferation of dime a dozen mediocre professorships. Merit professorships will be based on two simple stringent criteria alone, namely (a) the number of papers in peer reviewed international journal where the applicant was the principal author and (b) excellent ratings by students for being a dedicated teacher. As for Vice Chancellors they will no longer be presidential appointees nominated by cringing politicized university Councils, but selected by a suitably constituted body of distinguished independent academic intellectuals.

This article has touched on a small fraction of the specific visible measurable tangible outcomes that will be living proof of true system change in Sri Lanka. Anybody who closes his eyes and imagines a Sri Lanka in which at least the above seven outcomes have been realised will get a sense of the transformed society denoted by true system change. But as the title of this article suggests to expect system change on that scale in this country is  pure fantasy, the pleasant day dreams of an obsolescent idealistic generation represented by this writer which having seen better times is now passing away !

Does that mean there is no hope for this country? Not necessarily. At best 2024 may hopefully see the emergence of better governance by more decent politicians compared to the wretched governance of corrupt criminal unscrupulous loud mouthed self serving politicians under whom the country has progressively perished. But that would be a far cry from genuine system change! But then from a philosophical perspective we should not be surprised. In a morally degenerate fallen world of sinful humanity alienated from its creator, to imagine that nations under divine judgment might undergo that kind of radical social and political regeneration is surely a forlorn hope.

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